Wednesday, May 7, 2008

Society And Culture

"The promise of the Information Age is the unleashing of unprecedented productive capacity by the power of the mind. . . . The dream of the Enlightenment, that reason and science would solve the problems of humankind, is within reach."

Such is the optimistic conclusion of Manuel Castells in his massive trilogy, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Within the same conclusion, however, this professor of sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, cites as prerequisites many miraculous changes for society and culture in this global social conscience. And the likelihood that these miracles will be realized seems as remote as the Emerald City in The Wizard of Oz.

Consider several "if only" rainbows that society and culture must chase before we can walk the yellow-brick road to Castells's utopia: "If people are informed, [are] active, and communicate throughout the world; if business assumes its social responsibility; if the media become the messengers, rather than the message; if political actors react against cynicism, and restore belief in democracy; . . . if we assert intergenerational solidarity by living in harmony with nature; if we depart for the exploration of our inner self, having made peace among ourselves."

What Castells doesn't seem to realize is that human nature is the wizard behind this curtain, and unfortunately he doesn't see that for what it really is. In his conclusion he states that "there is no eternal evil in human nature." Yet he warns in his third volume that the Information Age has the potential to greatly expand the gap between rich and poor nations, that the weakest in society (especially children) stand to be exploited by the new global economy as never before, and that a rising global criminal economy will wield unprecedented power.

In the same volume he readily admits that "we are all inhabited, at the same time, by humanity's angels and devils, [and] whenever and wherever our dark side takes over it triggers the release of unprecedented, destructive power." Castells is to be applauded for recognizing that human nature is at the crux of the success or failure of the Information Age, but his optimism is not supported by his analysis of these monumental changes. In fact, he identifies the potential for more negative than positive scenarios as the world speeds blindly into what many believe will be the greatest social upheaval in the history of humanity.

To be fair to Castells, he does not intend to suggest a coming utopia. His intent with this work was not to engage in futurology, but to present the situation as it presently exists and to identify the social and economic factors that would be most affected by the technological revolution. He acknowledges his optimism but defends it when he writes, "I believe in rationality . . . without worshipping its goddess. I believe in the chances of meaningful social action . . . without necessarily drifting towards the deadly rapids of absolute utopias." The question that remains is whether the new technologies will bring society and culture a better world or whether they will be used for destruction, as were all too many technological advances in the 20th century.

NETWORK VS IDENTITY

Castells will certainly have a major impact on the debate about what traditional institutions should or should not do to influence the progress of the Information Revolution. The author of more than 20 books, many dealing with the impact of information technology on society, he is recognized by business leaders and academicians alike as the premier expert on the social ramifications of the Information Age.

Castells has long been a citizen of the subject on which he is an expert--the new global economy and culture. He himself is a globalized social theorist. Born in Spain in 1942, he taught at the University of Paris for 12 years before moving to California. He has taught and conducted research all over the world and has been an advisor to heads of state from Europe to Latin America to Asia. He has been a member of the European Commission's High Level Expert Group on the Information Society and is a member of the European Academy.

In the last year, Castells has also become a star speaker at major conferences on the Information Age. He was one of a very few academics to address the World Economic Forum earlier this year, with an audience that included George Soros, Bill Gates and Kofi Annan.

In his trilogy, Castells describes a tension that new information technologies have created within the society and culture. He identifies it as a battle between "network" and "identity."

Volume One is titled The Rise of the Network Society. In it he introduces a new term, informationalism--a new economic model evolved from capitalism. In the new economy, information is the most important currency, and new models of production are forming as a result. Castells illustrates how the global economy is now reliant on the continuous and instantaneous flow of information, and how that flow has changed consumption and production. Enormous power has been invested in those who control the information pipelines, and very often that power goes politically and legally unchecked.

Volume Two, titled The Power of Identity, shows the major counterforce to networks and globalization: old and new groups expressing their collective identity. Here Castells identifies social (and to a lesser degree economic) communities that are emerging, and he comments on their shifting and transitory nature and how they are undermining the old structures, including ethnic cultures, the family and the nation-state.

In his final volume, End of Millennium, Castells brings together the findings from the first two and sums up where he believes society and culture is as it enters a new millennium. And while he focuses on Africa, the rise of inequality, the growing criminal economy, urban poverty, and the plight of children, he still has faith that "there is nothing that cannot be changed by conscious, purposive social action" that is informed and legitimate. Yet he resists making firm predictions and concentrates on, as he puts it, "what we know the Information Age brings to us."

EMPIRICAL WEAKNESS

The three volumes work together to establish the fact that a new global economy and culture are emerging, driven by the engine of capitalism. This new state of affairs will in turn come under threat from the pressure of other social movements, ethnic groups and virtual cultures that are arising in response to the rapid shrinking of the globe. All of these forces will utilize the speed and pervasiveness of the network to stake out, defend and promote their identity. Information capitalists, nation-states and traditional institutions will have to take each potential threat seriously, no matter how insignificant it may seem initially.

Castells cites the success of the Mexican Zapatistas rebellion as evidence. This relatively small and isolated group, devoted to preserving the culture of those native people of Mexico who were threatened by global interests such as NAFTA, was able to hold the Mexican government at bay by appealing to the greater global community for support via the Internet.

Yet it seems the new technologies put all entities at risk. The very same special-interest groups and individuals that are empowered by unlimited information will also have their identity threatened by competing social movements. Thus no one will have a secure sense of identity.

It is no surprise that Castells, a former Marxist, concentrates on the plight of workers through all of this change. He believes a major consequence will be great uncertainty in employment resulting from a dramatic change in how we work: labor pools will be defined increasingly by temporary ventures that Castells terms "projects"; corporate firms and businesses will constantly shift their focus; and many firms will become sources of capital as opposed to producers of goods and services in the traditional sense. These factors may work together to produce a situation not unlike that of the 19th century, when vast groups of people were uprooted to fulfill the labor needs created by the Industrial Revolution.

These are just a few of the general trends that Castells attempts to identify. While the three volumes are long on data and short on firm conclusions about the future, the specifics he addresses in illustrating his points make for interesting reading and prompt the reader to consider various what-if scenarios. But one comes away from the trilogy recognizing that the subject is so big that even the best minds writing in such magna opera as Castells's are incapable of giving us the full sense of the revolution we are witnessing.

The advance of the Information Age is in many ways like the development of a new empire, though this empire is not limited, as others before it have been, to time and space.

Several questions remain, however. At what stage are we currently in the life of this new global empire? Will the global economy and culture prevail, or will society fragment? Can the dark side of human nature be overcome before the full power of the Information Age is unleashed? This is the drama for which Castells wisely refuses to provide an ending.

So often in the past, the real enemy of empires was not the foe without but the dark side of human nature within. More often than not, empires collapsed because of internal social forces at work--the moral decline and eventual collapse of the Roman Empire being perhaps the most notable example.

The astonishing powers being unleashed by the explosion of information technologies will demand strong ethics and morality from the citizens of this new global empire if it is to enjoy a happier fate.

The Hope Of A Global Citizens Movement

From the website post: The Great Transition Initiative is a collective endeavor by scholars and activists who share a broad commitment to addressing the major problems confronting humanity: poverty, security, and the environment. Its mission is to imagine, assess, and advance a great transition to a global future of enriched lives, equity, solidarity and a healthy planet. It takes seriously the slogan of progressives everywhere that another world is possible, but proposes that such a world must first be imagined creatively as a plausible human project.

This report encompasses the great weight and gravity of the possibility of solving the sociological and political issues of our Global Society through the emergence of a single moral community, a Cosmopolitan Group if you will, or citizens of the cosmos. The unprecedented growth in GCMs (Global Citizens Movements) seen in the last half of the 20th century is proposed to be merely the tip of the iceberg regarding a deep shift in public engagement and awareness, and is the major influence for the rise of Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) world wide.

Kriegman points out that the threats to our existence are very real. When contemplating the possibilities of ecocide, nuclear proliferation, global terror networks, new military technologies and the threat of pandemics, we are reminded of the statement made by Bertrand Russell its coexistence or no existence.

The strength of global civil society is weakened by its organizational and philosophical fragmentation. Each of the threats mentioned above, and a slew of others, tackled separately, constitute the all too dispersed, diffused and small scale of societys efforts in the shadow of powerful governments and transnational corporations. Only greater degrees of international cooperation can possibly resolve these complex dilemmas.

In developing countries, the hope for the rapid growth of civil society is expressed by communities devising new development paradigms seeking sustainable livelihoods and pursuing various avenues that enhance local empowerment. The hope of improved lives lived in a just and caring world is the most empowering psychological response to the turbulence of our times<. Although more and more people are inclined to understand themselves as part of a common community of fate that includes all of humanity and the biosphere, they do not yet know how to take action themselves to aid the worlds deepening social, economic and environmental problems.

The historic potential for deepening the solidarity among the peoples of the world is the precondition for a GCM

We see now, that the circumstance under which the identity of global citizen might emerge is that of a shared vision that reflects our highest aspirations while respecting local differences and the diversity of human culture.

Lessons from Social Movements: Hurdles for a Systemic Global Movement

Many social movements, evidenced by those that arose during the 1960s and 1970s, are protest oriented and appear reactive to many individuals. Their proponents often embrace a fragmented type of identity politics, avoiding people with coherent and universalized visions.

Although there are many important issues represented by the Global Justice Movement and the World Social Forum (WSF) today, their ability to capture global media attention has been usurped by the US-led invasion of Iraq, various political victories in Latin America, and the Global War on Terror, and such incidents continue to shape their goals. In addition to the media hurdles, those seeking to ally with the Global Justice Movement often differ over strategies and tactics, and are further hampered due to competing personalities, language differences, racism, organizational turf wars and divergent priorities. Again we see the need to overcome fragmentation and cohere as a movement. Expansion, without systemic linkages, is not sufficient for the type of deep changes necessary for a truly just and sustainable society.

Lessons for a GCM: The ends of a just and equitable world filled with cultural diversity and freedoms must be alive in the means the movement utilizes to organize itself.

A politics of trust necessitates that all aspects of the movement recognize that they are addressing different aspects of a unitary challenge of building a just and sustainable global future and their success is interdependent and requires a systemic shift, as well as a balance of coherence and pluralism as the basis for a global movement.

This report expresses the need for transparency and accountable leadership, which would facilitate the efforts of diverse peoples and ensure the participation of everyone involved.

I was greatly encouraged to see the author distinguish between leadership and authority, acknowledging the evolving definition of leadership in the world today and noting the questionability of the effectiveness of models of steep hierarchy and command and control. Making the case that real leaders are those who empower and inspire groups to engage unpleasant realities, work through conflicts, and generate new insights that increase effectiveness, regardless of what rank they may hold, he provided us with a model by which we may all choose to live our daily lives.

I believe he made a good example of George W. Bush as an individual who lacks leadership capabilities and/or willingness, choosing to respond to the demands of his constituency rather than mobilizing people to deal with problematic realities on behalf of improving the human condition and generating progress. As is true of most people with authority, so it is true that our current President responds to the demands of his constituents and favors his limited personal goals over those broader goals of his fellow countrymen.

Here I feel the need to, once again, quote the author: A sustainable world is one of biodiversity and diverse, healthy ecosystems. Likewise, a just world is one of human liberation, filled with cultural diversity and creative expression and exploration. Thus the means by which a GCM is organized must honor the diversity of voices that give rise to its creation. The tension between unity and plurality, like many of the paradoxes in life, is not to be overcome, instead a GCM must somehow hold both truths simultaneously. This ultimately means more space is needed for dialogue, analysis, and visioning, which will be required for mobilizing the numbers of people needed for a truly global movement. Many of us see mountainous efforts that do not seem to be solving the problems, thus we wait to join a movement until we can find one we believe in.

A GCM will have internal conflicts, it will contain its own politics, however like a seed crystal, our newly formed GCM contains within it the means it will use to organize itself to move toward a just and sustainable world through a politics of trust. With the seed neatly in place, in the face of emerging global crisis it is likely that the vision of the GCM could spread rapidly to inspire humanitys efforts toward renewal and hope.

Constructing a Shared Vision

Here the author shares great detail of thought and contemplation regarding what it would take to create a GCM where the ethical foundations would be based on individual and collective responsibility for the well being of others, the wider community of life, and future generations. The value foundations would be quality of life, human solidarity, and ecological sensibility, A culture of peace, reconciliation, and non-violence would infuse the new global movement. He postulates the development of a new form of Leadership, possibly movement diplomats made up of visionaries, philanthropists and organizers from all walks of life who would be charged with complementing other necessary types of leadership, helping to maintain the balance between coherence and diversity within a GCM. Movement diplomats could be a key to developing coherence while avoiding the evolution of stultifying movement hierarchies.

Conclusion and Hope

It does seem possible that a vision that describes a hopeful image of the future and a plausible pathway for getting there could inspire more people to believe in the possibility of a sustainable global civilization, and thus to personally assume the challenge of global citizenship. The combination of a shared vision with clear victories expands the frontiers of the possible, hope is contagious and change happens quickly. An authentic GCM needs a shared vision emerging from a process of engaged dialogue effectively coordinated through new forms of leadership.

The future is not someplace we are going, it is something we are creating.

Ultimately, the exact shape and form of a Global Citizens Movement is not to be predicted, but to be lived. An AMAZING statement that leads to the obvious conclusion that A GCM must be able to contest power and shape the global future, without this there is no movement, just a lot of chaotic activity. The fact that A Great Transition is a vision of plural solutions is evidenced by the need for both local and regional approaches, compatible with global goals. Such a shift in consciousness would be animated by concern for all aspects of the human condition, including the well-being of the whole human family, with the fate of future generations, and with the sustainability of the broader web of life. This is the hope of a global citizens movement. Summary of: Dawn of the Cosmopolitan; The Hope of a Global Citizens Movement (Orion Kriegman, organizer and manager of The Great Transition Initiative): The Great Transition, the promise and lure of the times ahead

Perhaps my favorite statement in this report, as it speaks to the necessity for the preservation and embrace of the richness and energy in the diversity of the forces for a just and sustainable future, and for a movement rooted in a politics of trust. Although historically pitted against each other, a GCM needs both the strength of unity and the strength of diversity. (Unity speaks to the causes and methodologies of the movement, diversity speaks to cultural richness and the wants and needs of people as numerous as grains of sand on our worlds beaches.) .

As we learn to identify ourselves as part of the human family, with responsibility for ones brothers and sisters, we approach a transformation of consciousness that challenges our identities, moving us, as global citizens, toward a shared identity with the ability to hold empathy for the struggles of others within ourselves. However, if grand new identities are to emerge, there must be the internal motivation of a shared dream of unity in addition to the fear of external threat. We all share one world, this is the objective case for global identity. We are now perfectly poised for the emergence of global citizens sharing broad values and principals that would propel us toward a transition to human rights, democracy, environmental protection, and freedom world-wide.

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